Modeling the future of any community requires a pointed emphasis on engaging future norm-shapers. Social media has raised the capacity of young people all over the world to engage on matters of public interest in virtual spaces. Nevertheless, empowering young people to enter or create spaces in which to actively participate in national, regional, and local decision-making processes remains a key area of focus. In the developed democracy of Japan, for example, young people are underrepresented in political and social institutions,[1] are less likely to vote,[2] and are increasingly disengaged from identifying with certain social groups and communities. [3] Even so, the young Japanese use accessible tools such as social media and various avenues for social participation to discuss matters of interest such as LGBTQ+ issues, gender discrimination, education issues, social mobility, and censorship. This combination of high interest in social issues and low engagement with institutions is by no means unique to Japan, and speaks to the challenge of youth empowerment, especially in the broader Asia-Pacific. The task of empowering young people requires giving opportunities for this underrepresented group to learn and exchange ideas about the issues that matter most to them. [4] In particular, by giving attention to three broad areas of social issues--education, gender issues, and political repression--youth in Japan and the Asia-Pacific may be more empowered to engage in public affairs and shape society in and beyond their own communities.
Education
Many migrate internationally for quality education and career opportunities, and Japan is one of the East Asian countries that is considered an attractive destination for those seeking better education and life. According to the Japanese government, there is an increasing number of foreign nationals residing in the country,[5] reaching 2.4 percent of its total population in June 2022. Out of this 2.4 percent, at least 9.3 percent are in Japan for reasons related to education.
Quality and access to education as well as important issues in global migration can have a lifelong and generational impact on migrants' lives. Some of these concerns are addressed in the 2018 Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM),[6] a set of non-legally binding international cooperation frameworks for United Nations member-states. Its objectives relating to education include ensuring continued education for migrants, fully including migrants in host societies, and emphasizing the need for education in times of emergencies, especially for girls and women. [7]
An ethnographic study by Kyi Min Khant and David Slater[8] collecting the narratives of five female Burmese students studying in Japan provides a vivid case study on the importance of continued education for migrant youth in times of crisis. Studying abroad has increasingly become a way for the Burmese youth to seek a safer and better future given the recent military coup d'état and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. However, those who were studying or working in Japan before the coup now find themselves caught in a dilemma of whether to stay in Japan or return to a military-ruled Myanmar.
Another ethnographic study by Eriko Yamada[9] gathered the narratives of four Zainichi (resident) Korean university students and how their school choices shaped their identities and perceptions of their right to continued ethnic education in Japan. This research echoes the importance of realizing the full inclusion of people with migrant backgrounds in the host society while maintaining their diasporic identities.
These studies not only highlight the necessity of education for newly arrived migrants and refugees and also for migrant students and diasporic communities. Without quality, inclusive and equitable education, migrant youth would not have the capacities to meaningfully participate in the host society. Meeting the educational needs of migrant and diasporic youth also promotes diversity, inclusion and democracy around the world.
Gender Equality
Discrimination based on gender, including discrimination in women's sexual assault legislation and against LGBTQ+, is one of the most pressing human rights concerns in Japan and the Asia-Pacific. Youth activists and organizations have worked tirelessly to alleviate gender inequality as a means of promoting equal rights for social empowerment.
Japan has a notoriously poor track record in terms of legal protection for victims of sexual assault, especially female victims. Legal scholar Larisa Truchan documents how Japan's Sex Crimes Penal Code essentially requires sexual assault and rape victims to prove that they actively tried to "resist" an attack by physically fighting back or crying out for help, rather than focusing on the context of a case and how it influenced the victim's ability to express her lack of consent.[10] Japanese youth organizations such as Spring and Mimosas have been advocating for the expansion of the definition of lack of consent in the Japanese legal system.[11] In response, the Japanese parliament (Diet) amended the law to raise the age of consent from 13 to 16 years old, and to broaden definition of rape as "non-consensual sexual intercourse." [12] This law amendment follows the example set by China in its recent change of major women's rights law to provide stronger protection of victims of sexual harassment as well as regional precedents that provide greater recognition of all survivors of sexual assault and destigmatize speaking out against such crimes.[13]
As for sexual minority rights in Japan, LGBTQ+-focused youth organizations have grown increasingly vocal through grassroots campaigning. In the lead-up to the G-7 summit in Hiroshima in May 2023, Pride7 discussed the need to advance LGBTQ+ rights in Japan, including state recognition of same-sex relationships, in the G-7 LGBTQ+ focus group.[14] Movements like Pride7 demonstrate civic participation in action, as their visible criticism of the Japanese government's policies draws public attention and support for LGBTQ+ rights in Japan. In contrast, the LGBTQ+ community in Indonesia faces state-sanctioned pressure to remain silent. Researcher Pradnya Wicaksana has detailed how state-driven pressure has heavily intimidated LGBTQ+ activism in Indonesian academia, including bans on pro-LGBTQ+ conferences, groups, and activities.[15] Japan's vibrant youth organizations can serve as a regional model in protesting against discriminatory state policies and advocating for widespread recognition of LGBTQ+ rights.
In conclusion, the case studies highlight how youth organizations can play a leading role in implementing justice for all people, regardless of their gender identity.
Political and Civic Spaces
The improvement of human rights situation is unattainable if there is no room for discussion. Bosco Hung,[16] for example, argued that the notorious National Security Law in Hong Kong has greatly curtailed the civil liberties of Hong Kong citizens by imposing harsh punishments through arbitrary use of ambiguous legal provisions. This affront to the exercise of the freedom of expression in the name of safeguarding national interests has led to a crackdown on human rights and (self-)silencing of civil society.
Whereas the civil/political ground for human rights are more solidly secured and well-established in Japan than in Hong Kong, a different set of issues arrives: only 30 percent of people in Japan in 2018 identified freedom of expression as a right guaranteed by the Constitution (49 percent in 1973).[17] Moreover, only 16.7 percent were concerned about the rights of foreigners, and less than 10 percent about the rights of Ainu.[18] These data illustrate a situation where a soccer playing field is ready but the players are not.
The effectiveness of political institutions for promoting political and civil freedom depends on the political culture of a country. Emerging efforts of prefectural/municipal governments in Japan try to improve the human rights awareness of the youth. For example, the Department of Compulsory Education of the Education Committee of the Tochigi prefecture recently released a document including information and instructions about improving human rights education with three core focuses: Rich Humanity, Human Rights Awareness, and An Environment and Atmosphere of Respecting Human Rights.[19]
However, the Tochigi policy focuses on "respect" [Attitude] instead of "express" [Practice] is problematic. Although giving respect can be regarded as a form of expression, the latter covers a broader category of practices such as demanding changes or discussion. In other words, while respect supports human rights, the exercise of freedom of expression seeks changes and/or improvement in the situation.
Therefore, the empowerment of youth in promoting and practicing human rights requires efforts to not only secure the political and civil spaces for discussion, but also to protect the political culture that allows discussion and autonomous participation.
Final Remarks
Education increases the capacities for engagement, gender equality ensures equal opportunity, and political and civil freedom secures the grounds for meaningful participation. A flaw in any of these elements will impede the empowerment of youth and others, and their engagement with and enhancement of the human rights agenda in society. While the institutional arena can be well-constructed, empowerment is not realized until thoughts are expressed and acted upon, though the complexity of society is always a source of discouragement. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have a vital role in providing alternative gateways for the youth to address issues. For example, engaging with country-specific NGOs such as the Taiwan Association for Human Rights and Hong Kong Watch provides further knowledge as well as opportunities for participation. Existing human rights networks and NGOs greatly facilitate the involvement of the youth in addressing human rights issues.
A number of youth-led NGOs are emerging in Japan in recent years, too. One fresh attempt at empowering youth to become involved in scholarly discussions of human rights issues is the 2023 International Conference on Human Rights: Youth in Asia, organized by the Young Professionals in Foreign Policy (Tokyo) and co-convened by the Graduate Program on Human Security and the Research Centre for Sustainable Peace at The University of Tokyo. With a professionally organized academic conference, held free of charge, more than twenty young speakers presented their work on multifaceted human rights issues in and outside Japan. Two key aspects were highlighted by the conference manager at the opening of the conference. Firstly, he believed that low confidence was commonly found in young scholars who were uncertain about the quality of their work, especially when they compared themselves to senior scholars. Secondly, the monetary cost of attending conferences should not be a barrier to expressing their ideas and work and hold back their participation. The Conference, therefore, empowers the youth by recognizing them as professionals, elevating their confidence, facilitating their exchanges of ideas and discussions of solutions, and, ultimately, encouraging them to continue working on human rights issues in the future.
To conclude, the empowerment of youth in promoting human rights should contain at least three essential components. First, governments should secure the institutional grounds for effective participation. Second, NGOs should help the youth work on human rights issues by providing support (i.e., lower cost of information and participation) for their engagement. Third, empowerment should motivate the youth towards actionable outcomes. Given that young people are the future of society, adequate support for youth engagement on societal issues would make the realization of human rights in the future much more secure.
Helix Lo is the Conference Manager of the 2023 International Conference on Human Rights: Youth in Asia, a researcher and a research and teaching assistant at The University of Tokyo. He strives to study and encourage Youth Participation in Politics and Civil Society and is particularly concerned with the human rights and democratic development in Hong Kong under autocratic repression. He is also researching multicultural and pop-culture issues in Japan. E-mail him at helixlo2240@gmail.com.
Marin Ekstrom is a lecturer and researcher based in Tokyo, and a Program Officer at YPFP Tokyo. E-mail her at marinekstrom@gmail.com or follow her on LinkedIn.
Eriko Yamada is a graduate student and researcher at the Graduate School of Education, The University of Tokyo. E-mail her at erikoyamada0118@gmail.com or follow her on LinkedIn.
Rachel Morgan is a US-based research fellow and a Membership Officer at YPFP Tokyo. E-mail her at rachel.morgan@ypfp.org, or follow her on LinkedIn.
For further information, please contact: Helix Lo, Membership Director at the Young Professionals in Foreign Policy (YPFP Tokyo), e-mail: helix.lo@ypfp.org; @YPFPTokyo; www.facebook.com/YPFPTokyo.
[1] Charles McClean, "Does the Underrepresentation of Young People in Political Institutions Matter for Social Spending?" (unpublished manuscript for Harvard Program on U.S.-Japan Relations, 2021), https://programs.wcfia.harvard.edu/files/us-japan/files/21-04_mcclean.pdf.
[2] AFP News, "Generation Gap: Why Japan's Youth Don't Vote," France24, 29 October 2021, www.france24.com/en/live-news/20211029-generation-gap-why-japan-s-youth-don-t-vote.
[3] Tominaga Kyoko, "Why Are Japanese Youth Distancing Themselves From Social Activism?" Nippon, 30 March 2021, www.nippon.com/en/in-depth/d00668/.
[4] Louise B. Jennings, Deborah M. Parra-Medina, Deanne K. Hilfinger-Messias and Kerry McLoughlin, "Toward a Critical Social Theory of Youth Empowerment," Journal of Community Practice 14, no. 1-2 (2008): 31-55, www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1300/J125v14n01_03.
[5] ISA, "Statistics on Foreign residents," n.d. www.moj.go.jp/isa/policies/statistics/toukei_ichiran_touroku.html.
[6] "Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration," Morocco, 11 July 2018, https://refugeesmigrants.un.org/sites/default/files/180711_final_draft_0.pdf.
[7] Ibid., page 8.
[8] Kyi Min Khant and David Slater, "Burmese Students in Japan: The Coup and Their Dilemmas," (Abstract presented at the 2023 International Conference on Human Rights: Youth in Asia, University of Tokyo-Komaba Campus, Tokyo, 2023), pages 77-78.
[9] Eriko Yamada, "Taught to Become Activists: Education and Identities of Zainichi Korean Youth in North Korean Ethnic Schools in Japan" (Abstract presented at the 2023 International Conference on Human Rights: Youth in Asia, pages 47-49.
[10] Larissa Truchan. "An Absent 'No' is not a 'Yes': A Comparative Legal Analysis of Non-Consent in Japan's Domestic Rape Legislation Draft Revisions and Affirmative Consent in International Rape Legislation Standards and Conventions" (Abstract presented at the 2023 International Conference on Human Rights: Youth in Asia, pages 73- 74.
[11] "Mimosas: Home," Mimosas, 2023, https://mimosas.jp/; "Spring: About." Spring, 2023, http://spring-voice.org/english/.
[12] Kelly Ng, Japan redefines rape and raises age of consent in landmark move, BBC News, www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-65887198.
[13] "China Revises Law to Tackle Sexual Harassment and Discrimination," The Japan Times, 30 October 2022, www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2022/10/30/asia-pacific/china-sexual-harassment-laws/.
[14] Alice French, "Japan Launches G-7 Focus Group for LGBTQ Rights Ahead of Summit" Nikkei Asia, 22 March 2023, https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Society/Japan-launches-G-7-focus-group-for-LGBTQ-rights-ahead-of-summit.
[15] Pradnya Wicaksana, "Academic Freedom and Political Homophobia in Indonesia: A Socio-Legal Inquiry" (Abstract presented at the 2023 International Conference on Human Rights: Youth in Asia), pages 59-60.
[16] Hot Ting Hung, "Human Rights Analysis of Hong Kong's National Security Law: Immense Threat Posed Toward Civil Liberty," (Abstract presented at the 2023 International Conference on Human Rights: Youth in Asia, University of Tokyo-Komaba Campus, Tokyo, 2023), pages 52-54.
[17] NHK Broadcasting Culture Research Institute, editor, Gendai nihon-jin no ishiki kouzou, Daikyu Ban, 9th edition, Nihon Housou Shuppan Kyoukai, Tokyo, 2020, page 83.
[18] Cabinet Office, "Public Opinion Survey on Human Rights Protection," 2023, https://survey.gov-online.go.jp/r04/r04-jinken/2.html.
[19] DCEEC, "Fundamental Guidance for Enhancing Direct Supervision," 2023, www.pref.tochigi.lg.jp/m03/jinken/documents/20230322101945.pdf.